Harris “Frank” Beeman, 2003.
Cover image comes from the private collection of Kgati Sathekge
Special thanks to:
Dr. Peter Limb
Dr. David Wiley
Dr. Bill Derman
Rev. Fredrick Houghton
Mr. Kgati Sathekge
Dr. Carol Thompson
Apartheid, Boycotts, and Activism in the United States
Apartheid, an Afrikaans word meaning “separateness,” was the name given to an offical policy of racial segregation by the National Party of South Africa in 1948. Racial segregation had existed in South African prior to then, but now it become a government sanctioned institution that served to ensure the power of the white Afrikaner minority over the black majority. Apartheid consisted of a racial hierarchy based on the color of one’s skin. From the top to the bottom of the hierarchy was as such: Whites, Indians, coloureds, and then blacks.
The primary method for determining which category an individual belonged in was based on the darkness of their skin. If their skin tone or other physical features too ambiguous for a definitive classification, then other methods would be used, such as the infamous pencil test in which a pencil was placed in the individual’s hair and whether it fell out or not could determine the difference between any two categories.
Depending on where a person existed in the Apartheid hierarchy determined nearly every other facet of their lives. It dictated where they could and could not live, go to school, play sports, and even walk in the street. Many non-white South Africans were impoverished and could not gain accessed to education or had to leave school at various ages to in order to work for low-wages to support their families.
Resistance of Apartheid existed within South Africa, much to the ire of the government. The most famous South African opponent of Apartheid was Nelson Mandela, who was imprisoned for his activity with the African National Congress (ANC) in 1946 and was not released until 1990. Four years later, in 1994, he was elected President of South Africa. Other groups and individuals were also involved with the resistance movement at home, such as Archbishop Desmond Tutu and hundreds of civil organizations.
Apartheid was eventually met with growing international disapproval from the 1960s to the 1990s. Several non-state groups were dedicated to raising awareness of the Apartheid in the forms of protests, speeches, and boycotts. Two types of boycotts were utilized by the international community. The first was a fiscal boycott that included divesting stock associated with South Africa, not purchasing South African products or the products of companies that held business ties with South Africa. The second type of boycott was a sports boycott that involved countries refusing to play against or host South Africa in international sporting events. This ultimately led to the South Africa’s exclusion from the Olympics from 1964 to 1988.
Apartheid came to the end in the 1990s, with negotiations for a democratic South Africa between the National Party and the ANC. The Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) from 1991 to 1992 and the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum in 1993 is where the process to a democratization began. The Multi-Party Negotiating Forum agreed to adhere to a interim constitution that legalized elections for a unitary government in 1993.4 Elections were held in 1994 in which people of all colored voted and elected Nelson Mandela.
The United States
The anti-apartheid movement in the United States came to the fore in the 1980s. One of the biggest successes of this movement was the passage of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986, that Congress passed despite then President Ronald Reagan’s veto. The Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (1986) imposed conditionally sanctions upon South Africa, that would be lifted only once specific conditions outlining a national motion away from the system of apartheid, were met by the South African government.
“The reason why we have the biggest success of the this movement, reversing the Reagan veto on sanctions, was precisely because we had this grassroots. The South African Government focused their lobbying efforts in Washington…[b]ut we lobbied on the ground...So, we had people in every corner in every neighborhood who were willing to rise and say this is not the it should be done."
Other national groups in the United States that dedicated themselves to or allied themselves with the anti-apartheid platform included many civil rights organizations. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) assisted in organizing campaign efforts of the ANC (Bratyanski). The American Committee on Africa (ACOA) and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) were early American organizations to dedicate themselves to liberation in South Africa. ACOA allied with Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Southern Christian Liberation Committee (SCLC) to further the message of racial equality at home and in South Africa, while also gaining immensely from the recognition of the name association with Dr. King.
Dr. King, the civil rights movement in the United States, and the anti-apartheid movement were closely tied in goals, fashion, and focus on persistent grassroots activism. When asked to speak at a benefit for the victims of apartheid in South Africa, on Human Rights Day, on Demeber 10, 1965, Dr. King said:
“Africa has been depicted for more than [a] century as the home of black cannibals and ignorant primitives ... Africa does have spectacular savages and brutes today, but they are not black. They are the sophisticated white rulers of South Africa who profess to be cultured, religious and civilized, but whose conduct and philosophy stamp them unmistakably as modern-day barbarians.”
Most of the organizing and campaign work was done on the grassroots level on a national scale, but government affiliated organizations also supported their cause. The Congressional Black Caucus, made up of black U.S. congressmen and women created TransAfrica in 1977. TransAfrica was a lobbying firm tasked with educating the American people and policy makers of the racial injustices occurring in Africa in the Caribbean. It was from this firm that one of the most successful anti-apartheid campaigns would be born: the Free South Africa Movement (FSAM). FSAM is credited with reinvigorating the liberation movement and moving it in the American mainstream. It was two years after the debut of FSAM that the U.S. Congress overturned President Reagan’s veto on the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act.
 Nixon, Rob. “Apartheid on the Rub: The South African Sports Boycott,” Transition, no. 58 (1992): 68-88, Accessed November 27, 2015, http://history.msu.edu/hst484-f15/files/2015/09/Nixon_Apartheid-on-the-run.pdf.
 Goodman, David. “The 1980s: The Anti-Apartheid Convergence,” in No Easy Victories: African Liberation and American Activists over a Half Century, 1950-2000, edited by William Minter, Gail Hovey, and Charles Cobb Jr., 151-166.
 Bratyanksi, Jennifer A., “Mainstreaming Movements: The U.S. Anti-Apartheid Movement and Civil Rights Memory.” PhD diss., University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2012. Accessed November 27, 2015, https://libres.uncg.edu/ir/uncg/f/Bratyanski_uncg_0154D_10923.pdf.
Chapter 1: Frank Beeman
Harris “Frank Beeman was born on April 28, 1921 and grew up in Royal Oak, Michigan. His parents were both teachers; his father was an athletic director while his mother was a fourth grade teacher. Beeman identifies his early school experiences and his parents as being the root from where his later civil rights and anti-apartheid activities would stem from.
“It [his concern for racial injustice] must have started from the beginnings...I was inoculated with the idea of right and wrong....there were no African Americans in my school district that I went to...And [when I] went down to play Pontiac, it was quite a shock to see black faces. But it just grew out of somewhere that [segregation is not right].”
Upon graduating, Beeman enlisted in the Army. During World War II he served as the athletic officer of the 508 Parachute Infantry Regiment (PIR) where he ran the intramural program. This period in his life contributed greatly to his later civilian career in the sport-sector. The 508 PIR was active from 1942 until 1946. The war ended in 1945, and by 1947 Beeman had returned to Michigan, where he married Patricia Houghton, held position of head tennis coach from 1947 to 1958, then director of intramural sports from 1958 to 1987, at Michigan State University.
1950s and 60s
East Lansing had a housing covenant that banned the sale or renting of homes to any non-white individuals. MSU and the then president of the university, John Hannah, kept a historically criticized position of silence on the issue.
Real estate covenants is a written contract or deed of a property that stipulate certain conditions for the use and access of the property. Covenants can be contractually binding for future owners of a property. Housing covenants could be used as a legal loophole to prevent non-white individuals from moving into certain neighborhoods or cities. These type of real estate covenants, became popular after a 1926 U.S. Supreme Court decision outlawed community-wide restrictions against minority groups.
East Lansing, Michigan had just such a housing covenant in effect that forced non-white students, faculty, and other citizens from living within East Lansing. This status quo was generally accepted among the community and by Michigan State University until 1965, when Reverend Martin Luther King jr. came to MSU for fundraiser to send MSU student and faculty to Rust College and Holly Spring in Mississippi, as a part of the Student Teacher Education Program (STEP). King’s visit triggered protests against the housing segregation occurring in East Lansing.
Fair housing activists conducted a march from Beaumont Tower on the MSU campus to the East Lansing City Hall and conducted the first sit in involved with the protest. A week later, activists and students conducted another sit in on Abbot Road during the middle of the night. The major or East Lansing at the time, Gordon Thomas, threatened to have the students arrested if they did not disperse. At about 1 a.m., “[a]fter one student left, 40 state police and 25 East Lansing police officers moved in, dragging the 35 male demonstrators and carrying 23 women on stretchers to the police station where they were arrested.”
The students were represented at their arraignment the next day by Stuart Dunnings, Jr., who Frank, along with two others, retained on behalf of the students. According Richard Houghton, one of those arrested, the criminal case against the student activists continued for years until the charges were eventually dropped.
However, codified changed did not come until a local ordinance was passed in 1968 at the same time that the federal Fair Housing Act was passed.
The Beemans moved from local civil rights to a national scale, when they joined the STEP mission to Mississippi. With STEP, Frank and a group of MSU students traveled too Holly Springs and Rust College in order to offer academic support for the institution and the black community there. Frank requested a six-month leave for this trip. Frank recalls one exchange with Biggie Munn, the Athletic Director for the university, as being surprised by this request because “[Biggie Munn] didn’t know [Frank was] interested in that color…”
While in Holly Springs, they taught in the school, integrated the blacks only pool, and joined the Meredith March. They joined the march at Tuskegee and continued with it until reaching Jackson, where they then marched on the Capitol, despite a military presence.
Patricia Beeman: The South Africa Connection
Patricia Beeman (nee Houghton) grew up in Ionia, a city in the central-to-western region of Michigan. Patricia’s father worked with the Mexican laborers that worked in the fields around Ionia and acted as a liaison between the farmers and migrant workers.
Much like Frank, she also had a passion for civil rights. Frank attributes a part of the couple’s involvement in civil rights to Patricia’s brother, Reverend Frederick Houghton, who was an Episcopal priest in Africa, working in countries like South Africa and Namibia before he was deported. Prior to Houghton’s deportation, he shared with the Beemans his first hand observations of Apartheid and other racial injustices.
The Beemans continued independent civil rights work until joining SALC in 1977, after becoming aware of the campus organization through the publicity of the East Lansing Selective Purchasing Act.
 Beeman, Frank. “No Easy Victories: African Liberation And American Activist over a Half Century.” Interview by Dr. Peter Limb and Dr. David Wiley. No Easy Victories. Undated.
 Beeman, “No Easy Victories: African Liberation and American Activist over a Half Century.
 Castainer, Bill. “EL Rewind: Historic East Lansing Battles Over Racist Housing Discrimination.” East Lansing Info. Last modified May 3, 2015. Accessed December 3, 2015. http://eastlansinginfo.org/content/el-rewind-historic-east-lansing-battles-over-racist-housing-discrimination.
 Beeman, “No Easy Victories: African Liberation and American Activist over a Half Century.
Chapter 2: Sports and South Africa at MSU
Influence of Athletes, Space, and the Intramural Sports Boycott
Frank Beeman served as the head tennis coach at Michigan State University from 1947 until 1958, when he was then promoted to director of intramural sports for the university Prior to his positions at MSU, Frank also played tennis and organized sport while he served in the Army during World War II. While in the Army we won the 18th Army Tennis Championship in 1944 and the ETO Invitational tournament in 1945.
Tennis and sports were a fundamental part of his life, just as the concern for civil rights and justice. Both sports and the need for racial justice were impressed upon him at an early age due to his father’s position as a physical education teacher and his growing up in a racially divided region of Michigan. Frank played tennis for the majority of his life, beginning in grade school and well into senior years.
The first time that sports informed his civil rights activism was when he, along with his wife and MSU students traveled to Holly Spring, Mississippi for a six-month project with STEP. This project focused on integration of public recreational facilities and education. After coming back to Michigan, Frank occupied himself with civil rights work in the Lansing- East Lansing area, where in 1977 he came to become a member of the Southern Africa Liberation Committee.
It is with SALC that his athlete activism came to the foreground. Frank was aware that sports figures, like coaches and athletes had influence, but were generally apolitical; especially when it came to civil rights in South Africa.
“…[J]ocks weren’t so much involved in civil rights...[w]hen I would say it as a coach, people would stop and think about it….”
As a former couch and intramural sports director, Frank had a vision for the use of sports on campus. Early on in his career, he developed a national renown as the “father of democratic sport.” He believed in a “sports for all” system on colleges campuses, which opposed the current NCAA focus that college sports have today. He believed in an all-inclusive intramural sports program, like a democracy. These were the same values that the anti-apartheid movement and SALC were advocating for in South Africa.
The sports boycotts against South Africa existed on the individual, national, and international levels. Players, like tennis star Arthur Ashe refused to play in South Africa, while countries like Australia, India, and New Zealand, did not allow their national sports teams to play South Africa’s. And Finally, South Africa was removed from international sporting organizations such as FIFA and the Olympic Committee.
South Africa attempted to circumvent the boycott by reaching out to colleges and intramural directors in the United States to arrange games between their teams. Colleges hosting South African teams directly conflicted with Frank’s “democratic sports” ideology. Those teams were representatives for Apartheid abroad meant to change the mind of the rest of the West. Frank did not believe that they should be given the chance to directly or indirectly bring an empathetic view of Apartheid to American campuses.
South Africa’s attempt to enter the space of American college sports brought an oppressive regime in direct conflict with an intramural director who had yet to ever step foot in South Africa. The college sports boycott in the United States originated at MSU with Frank Beeman spearheading a national outreach campaign against South African teams. 2,500 letters were written to sports directors across the United States explaining why allowing South African teams at their institutions was wrong. Reportedly, the intramural boycott was met with success and eventually emerged with the larger American sports boycott movement.
Activist to Africa: Impressions of Change and Continuity in Sport and Quality of Life
Throughout the duration of his work towards South African liberation, he had never been there himself. In March of 2000, when Frank 80 years old, he traveled to South Africa for the 20th Vets World Championships (Group B), held in Cape Town, South Africa. While in South Africa, playing in the tournament and visiting several other places near Johannesburg and Pretoria, Frank noted that many things had not changed from the pre-Mandela era.
At the 20th Vets World Championships, “…there was really only one nonwhite player…Nehemiah [Atkinson], who was an African American from the [Southern United States]…”. Frank competed in the V75 category (players between the ages of 75-79) while Atkinson played in the V80 category for those above 80 years old. Frank was given a BYE, so he did not play in the first round. He was later bested by Austrian Oskar Jirkovsky in the second round. Atkinson was also given a BYE for the first round in his age group; he played until the finals, where he lost to fellow American Robert Sherman. Atkinson and partner Alex Swetka won the doubles tournament at the same event.
In the individuals tournament that Atkinson played in, there were five South African players, and all were white. In Frank’s age group there were three South African players; all were white. In comparison to the youngest age group in the tournament, 55-59 years old, there were fourteen South African players and the majority of them were white.
Tennis in South Africa was segregated since it was first introduced in the country. Just like other sports under apartheid, nonwhites had to play tennis in separate facilities, tournaments, and separate neighborhoods that had inferior facilities and little funding. The cost of tennis equipment was also prohibitive for many nonwhites who were more likely to be impoverished than their white counter parts. In 1970, within the International Lawn Tennis Federation (ILTF), Hungary motioned for South Africa to be removed from the organization, however that motion was vote down. South Africa was excluded from competing in the Davis Cup that year. The South African National Lawn Tennis Union was responsible for organizing tennis for blacks, but it was underfunded, disorganized, and understaffed that it could only host a few tournaments a year.
Its white counterpart, the South African Lawn Tennis Union had the best facilities and a limitless budget that it used to host almost a thousand tournaments a year. International opinion about the racial segregation of tennis and apartheid in South Africa was direly low by the late 1960s into the 1970s, that the South African government used fraudulent adds to try and sway international opinion (See: “McGoff Off”). A campaign led by American Arthur Ashe succeeded in having South Africa removed from the 1970 Davis Cup. South Africa was never officially removed from international tennis, but several countries refused to play them, including Hungary, Poland, India, and Czechoslovakia. Notably, in 1974 David Cup, both India and South Africa made it to the finals. India chose to withdraw from the match is protest rather than play the South African team, which was declared the winner for that year.
As far as a tennis boycott of South Africa, there was not a large movement such as that in Cricket, Soccer, or the Olympics, but it still holds a valuable place in the international effort to end apartheid.
Quality of Life
Apartheid officially ended in 1994, six years prior to Frank Beeman’s visit in 2000. Six years is not an adequate time for policy and institutional changes to create meaningful results. When he visited in Cape Town, then later in Johannesburg and Pretoria, he had noted that the daily life for nonwhites did not appear to be that different from what it had been in the pre-Mandela years.
The country possessed a high poverty rate among blacks and a large income disparity between whites and blacks before 1994. By 2000, there was an increase of 1.8 million people living on $1 per day and an additional 2.3 million living on less than $2 per day. Income equality continued to grow from the 1990s into the earl 2000s. Unemployment rates also remain high, as the black labor force, which is largely unskilled and less educated, finds themselves in a market with low demand or unskilled labor. The combination of unemployment and and poverty has created a class of people who are unable to escape extreme poverty. Presently, 23 million South Africans live in poverty, or about 45.5% of the population.
 Beeman, Frank. “No Easy Victories: African Liberation And American Activist over a Half Century.” Interview by Dr. Peter Limb and Dr. David Wiley. No Easy Victories. Undated.
 Personal correspondence between author Joshua Theisen and Dr. David Wiley. December 1, 2015.
 Beeman, Frank. “No Easy Victories: African Liberation And American Activist over a Half Century.”
 In the recorded interview with Dr. Peter Limb and Dr. David Wiley for the Michigan State University “African Studies Interview Series” (March, 2003), Frank identifies the African American players as “Nehemiah Johnston,” however there was no record of such a player. ITF records identify a Nehemiah Atkinson who played in the tennis tournament.
 “20th Vets World Championships (Group B) 2000.” International Tennis Federation. Accessed December 14, 2015. http://www.itftennis.com/seniors/tournaments/tournament/info.aspx?tournamentid=1100002325.
 Ibid. International Tennis Federation, “20th Vets World Championships (Group B) 2000.”
 Djata, Sundiata A., Blacks at the Net: Black Achievement in the History of Tennis, vol. I. (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press 2006): 167.
 Djata, Sundiata A., Blacks at the Net: Black Achievement in the History of Tennis, vol. II. (Syracuse: Syracuse University Pres 2008): 65.
 Ibid, 68.
 Ibid, 66.
 Seminara, Dave. “The Year the Davis Cup Felt Empty.” The New York Times, November 28, 2013. Accessed December 13, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2009/11/29/sports/tennis/29davis.html.
 Personal correspondence between author Dana Adams and Kgati Sathekge, a former member of SALC currently residing in South Africa.
 Seekings, Jeremy. “Poverty and Inequality after Apartheid.” (paper presented at the second ‘After Apartheid Conference’, Yale, 27-28 April 2007): 4.
 Ibid, 6.
 Ibid, 13.
 Ibid, 13.
 Mbatha, Amogelang. “South African Poverty Rate Drop as Government Expands Welfare.” Bloomberg, April 3, 2014. http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2014-04-03/south-african-poverty-rate-drops-as-government-expands-welfare.
Chapter 3: Founding of SALC
The Southern African Liberation Committee or (SALC) based in East Lansing at Michigan State University (MSU) was an organization which coordinated campaigns to help bring an end to the cruelties inflicted on Southern African countries. Its principles relied heavily on the notion of educating citizens domestic and abroad by openly questioning the political practices that emerged. The idea was that by motivating and prompting the public to take the first steps toward local action, citizens could eventually instigate national action. SALC was founded in the Spring of 1973 at Michigan State University (MSU) by the collaborative efforts of graduate students Lovemore Nyoni, Carol Thompson, campus minister Warren “Bud” Day. Years later in 1977, Frank and Patricia Beeman would join becoming key figures with their innovative tactics to educate the public through more radical acts.
Imperialism had for decades maintained a tight hold on Southern African countries implementing various oppressive segregationist laws with the white minority controlled the black majority and change was desperately needed. Through SALC’s grassroots approach, the group educated the Lansing- East Lansing communities by bringing awareness to the many tactics used to subjugate the non-white Southern African populations. SALC held the belief that to participate in partnerships with Southern African countries would be “...an extension of American imperialism on a worldwide basis” which greatly contradicted or nations principles morally and lawfully. The founders felt it necessary to openly deter and dispel any form of American affiliation in the countries that knowingly or unknowingly supported the oppression of mass people groups in Southern African nations. While the group eventually focused its efforts on South Africa’s Apartheid reime for the later half of the organization’s existence, the group’s initial focus, as the name implies, was much broader than just South Africa. Their initial target was southern Africa as a whole, which included what is Kenya and Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Angola.
During SALC’s early years, a task force was created for the coverage of the issues surrounding Zimbabwe and the United States involvements in Angola. As an incoming graduate student for the School of Social Work at Michigan State University, and director of the Michigan Steering Committee on the Zimbabwe Refugee Welfare. Lovemore Nyoni felt it imperative to establish an organization for African refugees in the local area. Before reaching campus, Nyoni reached out to the Washington Office on Africa to look for groups that could help him establish his organization. He received a list of like minded groups in the local Lansing area and contacted the United Ministers for Higher Education or (UMHE) and corresponded with Warren Day’s office at MSU. Day, one of the co founders, as a member of UMHE had agreed to work towards the liberation of Southern Africans by pledging to help address issues that affected the coloured population.
As a minster on campus with ties to UMHE Day, as he reflects knew of Nyoni before he reached campus due to this connection and was eager to assist him in finding resources to start up his program that he had been so passionate about. Their friendship progressed to great collaborations early on and Nyoni began publishing monthly periodicals with the help of Day on the issues faced in Southern Africa. Yet, both still felt the need to do more for the Southern African nations that were so drastically under represented.
During Nyoni’s talks with Day, he asked for advice on the ways he should go about organizing a group for African refugees on campus. He felt the primary focus of his group should be on the issues that affected the Zimbabwean refugees and their general well being. In connecting with groups within the U.S and abroad to countries in Europe, he found many organizations focused specifically on the struggles of the South African Apartheid regime. The majority organization and most of its members felt the fight for liberation was in South Africa and they didn’t possess the resources to focus on other nations.
Nyoni felt more attention was needed to the Zimbabwe cause to provide awareness to his people’s fight for freedom. As an exile from Zimbabwe it was imperative to assist the refugees to instigate Africans and the international community to be more active participants in the larger goal of liberation of Southern African nations. His story had a deep impression on Warren Day and he often looked for ways to assist Nyoni in his many endeavors. Nyoni’s convictions to his work towards the liberation of his people became even the more meaningful as he gathered resources to aid the Zimbabwean struggle. With the assistance of co founder Carol Thompson, the three worked tirelessly to complete an autobiography on Nyoni’s life to get his story out to the public. Collectively they managed to arrange talks to speak on his life’s experiences while at the same time working together to create SALC to organize task forces dedicated to Zimbabwe and expose U.S involvement in Angola.
A great way to understand the inner workings of the organization is to think of it as an organization of affiliates, most of which were connected to the East Lansing Peace Education Center or (PEC). As a seasoned organization with access to various other groups, PEC acted as a parent organization to SALC. PEC had long fought for social justice on various issues, ranging from civil rights to anti-war sentiments and the Liberation of Southern Africa had been a natural cause to take up. The organization often arranged conferences for the local area to educate groups about the different social issues by highlighting the struggles faced in Southern Africa and America’s involvement. Eventually PEC used its connections with the larger community in Greater Lansing to pass resolutions to combat the continuation of Apartheid.
Warren Day used his connections with PEC by reaching out to Carol Thompson who became instrumental in the newly formed organization. With the help of PEC,SALC became dedicated to supplying material aid to Southern Africans. The type of aid given ranged from clothing, dried foods,books. As the program established itself SALC seemed to be off to a great start promoting lectures, film series, and writing into newspapers. SALC varied in the number of people that worked with the group. The organization was very much a small group in terms of numbers and physical bodies. In letters to other organizations the group tallied up to twelve members. SALC also had a mailing list of 650 plus where they were in constant communication with other like minded university and non-university based organizations to stay updated on the progression of the on going struggles in southern Africa and other anti-imperialist movements. The US. and Angola campaign was also another venture that SALC took on in its early years.
Crises in Angola was used to highlight U.S involvement and its harm in the larger struggle for Southern African Liberation. The CIA tried to intervene with the uprisings between the majority and minority to tamper the raging war. By intervening the US would train and put down groups who rebelled against the government, which would in turn make Americans act out in ways that promoted negative memories. Thus,occupying in another foreign place would’ve been unwise if the government hoped to gain the support of the American people. With Vietnam looming in the minds of Americans, SALC along with PEC tried to remind the public of the harm entering Angola could do to the nation. When reflecting on the Vietnam War the usual consensus was feelings of bitter resentment. The war brought senseless loss of lives and the fatalities were plentiful coupled with the first real defeat of the American empire. Moreover, SALC worked tirelessly to expose the ineffectiveness of the American government’s actions and the misconceptions of the Angolan coloured populations by exploring films and writings.
For a time it seemed SALC had a steady progression that reached out to a good number of people. The group had maintained a steady dialogue with newspapers and community at large. Yet, things took a turn for the worse when Nyoni went through personal bouts with the U.S and Zimbabwe government’s. Nyoni world changed dramatically when he decided to visit his father upon hearing his deteriorating health. As he traveled home to check on the well being of his father he was stopped by officials and taken to a prison for a week. While in the prison he experienced beatings and given shameful food a lodging. When reflecting on the quality of food he surmised even in his lowest moments of poverty he had eaten better food.
The government only released him under the stipulation that he would agree to act as a spy when he returned to the U.S. Upon his return to the U.S Nyoni refused to act as a spy and continued to speak out against the cruelties inflicted on himself and his people. Unfortunately his work visa was revoked months before its expiration resulting in the loss of his dream job as a social worker. Nyoni found himself entrapped by the government, and faced the very real fear of being deported to his home country.
“I understand that they have already imprisoned one of my brothers, he said. If I returned, they would kill me.”
At this point Zimbabwe was dangerous for two main reasons. He openly defied his government by not reporting back on the country he was sent to spy on. And he no longer had any faith that would give him a just judgement. The Zimbabwean government was becoming increasingly dangerous to the coloured majority within the country and SALC shifted its focus to Nyonis citizenship. In a last attempt to continue his stay in the U.S, Nyoni along with the help of his organization worked to appeal for political asylum.
SALC got busy appealing to the campus and local community for their support of fellow student. Nyoni’s case in many ways put things into perspective for the members of SALC. Their collective work for Southern Africa for a while stemmed from a place of surface level convictions. When Nyoni’s personal battles turned for the worse, it made real all of the Southern African issues and strengthened SALC’s resolve to impact real change. Like much of the Southern Africans citizens neighbors,family and friends lives would be destroyed if an intervention doesn’t take place.
The US policy asserts that in order to obtain political asylum a list of criteria must be met by the applicant that shows signs of their home government infringing on internationally protected rights or fear of government backlash. Nyoni continued to publicize his story through the newspaper and talks in the community. The members felt if he could show his resilience and encourage others to join the movement. Unfortunately, he was denied his political asylum. Right after he was denied Day and Thompson appealed his case and made affidavits to show testimonials to his need for political asylum. The group pulled together their connections within the community and got statements presented to officials to show the severity of his political troubles.
The affidavits were written to show their connections with Nyoni and the many accomplishments he had made. Fact sheets and many testimonials from the community were presented to immigration officials. His denial had been based on his unsubstantial evidence to prove he was in fact being persecuted by the government. Specifically he needed testimonials from people he knew in Zimbabwe. This posed a great problem because so much in Zimbabwe had been censored and his family was being watched by the Zimbabwean government. Thompson then wrote to the government expressing these sentiments.
The story of Nyoni was a pleasant surprise for our historical record for SALC. In many of the scholarly articles that have been published on SALC little information was given on Lovemore Nyoni and its such an unfortunate occurrence. He was very instrumental in the creation of this great organization and no doubt inspired those who would later join the group. Nyoni made the global struggle personal for the group and put things in perspective for them. You can empathize with people groups from afar with great emotion. But when the fear that Nyoni and so many others faced became something tangible and personal on a deeper level it impress upon you the need for change. Nyoni’s story brought home to the group members that change was the only option. Through his work dialogue had been created in a country where so many national organizations had paid little to no attention to the lot of other Southern African nations. SALC’s early beginnings were very promising and gave us a snapshot of greater things that would come.
Unfortunately Nyoni disappears from our records. It is an unfortunate event because a man with so much promise and a visionary to a group that would go on to do much more great things has no ending that we can tell. We don’t know if his dreams of being a social worker was realized in Michigan or back home in Zimbabwe. No knowledge of his autobiography being published is known to our archives or in our schools library. After learning so much about SALC’s origins it’s really upsetting to know that our record of him ends this way. We became inspired by the man and the many works that he had done for our EAST LANSING MSU community. It is my hope that one day we may come to know what eventually happens to this great man.
- Day, Warren Affidavit, Print. Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- Minter, William, Gail Hovey, and Charles E. Cobb. 2008. No easy victories: African liberation and American activists over a half century, 1950-2000. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press.(147).
- SALC Flyer, Print.Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- SALC Fact Sheet,Print.Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- SALC Fact Sheets Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- Nyoni letter from UMHE, Print. Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- Letter from University of Texas to Nyoni, Print. Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- Angola Racist Lecture Newspaper Clipping. Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- Conference on the U.S. and Southern Africa packets and Resolutions.Print. Peace EDUCATION Center (East Lansing, Mich.). East Lansing Peace Education Center Archives. East Lansing, Mich: Peace Education Center, 1962. April 1972.http://kora.matrix.msu.edu files/50/304/32-130-1965-84-pec%20resolution%2011-7-79 pdf
- Minter, William, Gail Hovey, and Charles E. Cobb. 2008. No easy victories: African liberation and American activists over a half century, 1950-2000. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press.(147).
- SALC Fact Sheet,Print.Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- Angola newspaper clipping, Print. Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- News article on Nyoni,Print. Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- Nyoni filing for Asylum Newspaper Clipping Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- Carol Thompson Affidavit for Nyoni.Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970.
- SALC information Pamphlet,Print.Patricia L. Beeman Southern African Liberation Committee collection, Michigan State University Libraries Special Collections, accessed December 15. 2015.
- Newspaper clippings from 1970s. Print. Thompson, Carol B., and Warren J. Day. Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, 1970s-1990s. 1970. ljn
Chapter 4: Selective Purchasing Campaign
What was it?
The Selective Purchasing Campaign, formed by members of SALC, was the beginning of the end of the eventual statewide divestiture from the apartheid government in South Africa. It was also the first major effort of the committee in which was only 3 years old at the time. This effort was unique for the members of SALC because instead of providing aid to refugees and freedom fighters in Rhodesia and South Africa it decided to take a different approach: Economic non-corporation. Taking this path meant boycotting corporations that have subsidiaries in South Africa. The four initial corporations that were to be boycotted by East Lansing were IBM, Control Data, ITT and Motorola; the few items that these corporations produced had easy alternatives making the disassociation easier. 
Who was it?
In an interview where David Wiley and Peter Limb were speaking with Frank Beeman in No Easy Victories, it becomes quite evident that the civil rights movements of the fifties and sixties, that had since come to an end, left many progressive activists itching for a cause to fight for. Upon attending an informational meeting regarding SALC, Frank Beeman felt that the shift from civil rights to apartheid was natural. At this moment, Michigan State University and the Greater Lansing area would move forward in taking steps to ending the apartheid regime in South Africa. 
Preparations regarding the progression of this act were based upon constant action. Recruitment of members from businesses and churches allowed the community within SALC to be more expansive in the audience it reached. The committee had Mayor Griffiths of Lansing write to the targeted corporations regarding their threat of disassociation; he informed them of the campaign and promised to make their responses public.  The public responses were key because the brands were forced to weigh their option of blemishing their brand in continuing business under the apartheid government, or discontinuing and losing material wealth. Community hearings were held to inform the average person of the institutionalized inequality taking place in South Africa. Based largely on Michigan State University’s campus, East Lansing was the optimal location for such a campaign due to the natural desire young adults have to make a difference. The initial number of four boycotted firms sky rocketed to nine in less than a year, as one can see in a SALC report that was presented in May of 1977. The report urges the nine corporations, who were failed to be named, to disassociate themselves with the Republic of South Africa or to face sanctions by the city of East Lansing. 
The members of SALC worked to supply the city council with documentation on South Africa and their oppressive government in order to strengthen the legitimacy of the campaign. Public demonstrations held on various locations around campus as well as informative conferences added to the cause. The constant probing would pay off, and quickly.
Just getting started
Slightly over a year after the Selective Purchasing Campaign had begun, it had ended. On August 3rd, 1977 the Selective Purchasing act was passed unanimously, and the city of East Lansing was now entirely divested from the Republic of South Africa. This campaign can be marked as the seed that would sprout into the MSU divestiture, and eventually, the entire state of Michigan’s divestiture. 
 Southern African Liberation Committee 1976? Selective Purchasing Policy: U.S. Corporations Operating in South Africa, leaflet, East Lansing, Michigan, Carol B. Thompson and Bud Day Papers on Southern Africa, Michigan State University Libraries Special Collections. Accessed 15 December, 2015
 Beeman, Frank. “No Easy Victories: African Liberation And American Activist over a Half Century.” Interview by Dr. Peter Limb and Dr. David Wiley. No Easy Victories. Undated. Accessed 15 December 2015.
 South African Liberation Committee 1977, SALC Reports, leaflet, East Lansing, Michigan Patricia L. Beeman Southern Africa Liberation Committee collection, Michigan State University Libraries Special Collections. Accessed 15 December, 2015
 South African Liberation Committee, undated, about 1985, Peace Education Center Archive, East Lansing, Michigan. Accessed 15 December 2015.
Chapter 5: MSU Divestiture Campaign
College campuses throughout America had become increasingly exposed to the going-ons in South Africa and the organizers felt obligated to join the broader struggle abroad. In fact, many students bonded together after witnessing the traumatic events that enfolded during the Soweto Massacre. In the local Lansing-East Lansing area newspapers reported coverage of the massacre and testimonials of the many horrors which took place on and after the June 16, 1976. Shocking reports have showed the international communities part in the many deaths. Many of the resources used to kill the non-whites were provided by the major world powers. Coverage of the massacre left readers with empathy from one human being to another and the massacre spurred dialogues which confronted the indifference people had previously felt when discussing Southern African nations.
“The victorious struggle of the people against Portuguese colonialism in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea Bissau uplifted my people. They are ready to make the ultimate sacrifice for their liberation.” 
After these images were shown to students across the nation, the need to mobilize against the tyranny of Southern African governments became palpable. Groups sought to dismantle the segregationist regimes by deterring the support of companies in multinational corporations based in America through a series of campaigns. As a result SALC plotted and felt it best to bring the Southern African struggles to first the local governments door steps and then to the university. The general logic behind this idea was that if the law was on their side it would make the divestiture more sound to the trustees when approaching MSU. The group also collaborated often with the groups on campus. The groups established communities that used its networks to make the nation realize the immorality of the business that were so heavily embedded in society. During 1978-1979 SALC embarked on its own year long fight to campaign against MSU business ventures in South Africa.
Having succeeded in the East Lansing City Councils divestment in Africa, SALC moved on to the complete divestment of MSU. SALC felt the best way to move forward was to create a plan to publicize their message in away that pricks at the morality of everyone. Thus, in order to resonate with the campus community at large, the many components of Apartheid had to be put right under everyone’s noses. By using the extensive research collected in previous campaigns which focused on the political and economic of Southern African nations. The information was recycled to better help the student body to understand the political and financial implications of divesting. The group continued to publish in the State News, pass out pamphlets, lecture and video series. SALC’s presence on campus became a force whose appeal can be best described as omnipresent
From students to faculty SALC seems to have penetrated the campuses to educate them on the actual events that took place in South Africa. The first phase can be best described as the education of the general body of MSU. SALC utilized every asset to impress upon anyone who took notice that these crimes on humanity were the day to day lives of the South Africans. Powerful images from the movie Last Grave At Dimbaza along with a variety of other films were shown in the dorms and on occasion classrooms. Guest speakers were also great tools to pushing awareness to students across campus. Representatives from the united nations were asked to speak in collaboration with SALC which allowed for a more personal approach to the information presented. Leaflets were also used in this campaign and delivered to members of the student body and trustees who ultimately had the power to change the policy. With the many reasons for divestment SALC had to at the same time get MSU to see what divestment could mean in the larger liberation movement
From students to faculty SALC seems to have penetrated the campuses to educate them on the actual events that took place in South Africa. The first phase can be best described as the education of the general body of MSU. SALC utilized every asset to impress upon anyone who took notice that these crimes on humanity were the day to day lives of the South Africans. Powerful images from the movie Last Grave At Dimbaza along with a variety of other films were shown in the dorms and on occasion classrooms. Guest speakers were also great tools to pushing awareness to students across campus. Representatives from the united nations were asked to speak in collaboration with SALC which allowed for a more personal approach to the information presented. Leaflets were also used in this campaign and delivered to members of the student body and trustees who ultimately had the power to change the policy. With the many reasons for divestment SALC had to at the same time get MSU to see what divestment could mean in the larger liberation movement.
Big businesses in America coupled with the support from the US government aided the continuation of the atrocious practice. The main problem SALC faced with the the divestiture was the large amount of money that had been spent on the investments in South Africa. For years the South African government had worked to gain Americans attention to invest in their country by multiple marketing campaigns. These campaigns had a lot of political influence by showing South Africa was a country ripe for the taking and could bring the American businesses more capital and influence. From tourism to the resources extracted from the mines, South Africa used every marketing technique they had to get the U.S to notice them as a potential partner. Several widely known corporations began to invest and pretty soon many of the top businesses flocked to get a chance to widen their influence and consumer economy. All too soon Ford, General Electric and Coca Cola had stakes in the South African economy.
Another major issue SALC had to overcome was that the very same businesses who helped the South African government were major contributors to MSU programs. Many of the companies had been providing gifts and resources to MSU every year in substantial sums. This relationship MSU formed with businesses was old and well established posing a great problem to SALC because it could possibly prove to be costly in dissolving viable income for the university. The resolution from previous campaigns, from the Michigan House of Representatives was also instrumental in helping to cut ties to South Africa. Along with fact sheets from SALC, the resolution gave the campaign legitimacy and the seriousness of the need to stand united against the Apartheid regime.
As a young organization on campus, the group lobbied for the support of older organizations to ban together as a great force to the university. ASMSU as a governing body on campus held a lot of political clout and could aid SALC in the divestiture with their many connections. With connections to organizations across campus ASMSU could reach broader audiences. When the organization was approached by representatives from SALC, the group didn’t initially take to the plans for the divestiture. In fact in one of Carol Thompson’s many news articles she finds their disagreement in joining the struggle was due to the group thinking they were separate from the political movements.
...ASMSU’s business was to legislate on behalf of the MSU student body,and by implication no one else.
This lack of concern for the people in South Africa was troubling because the students felt they were somehow removed and didn’t need to voice their opinions on politics. Leaving politics to the politicians as Thompson discusses leaves the citizen with the false sense of reality. SALC hoped to inform the students with or without their help the lot of campus is involved in this issue. Southern African subjugation is a problem for every nation and the students lack of participation showed that ASMSU is complicit in the cruel acts inflicted on the coloured populations. By keeping the dialogue flowing SALC along with other organizations helped to put pressure of the MSU board of trustees and a meeting was announced to discuss the idea of divesting from the government. Leading up to the meeting SALC took great care to maintain and in some areas strengthen their efforts to make citizens want to see the results of the vote to divest. In the end with an astonishing 7-0 votes SALC had successfully gotten MSU to divest.
- The news clipping of Soweto massacre, 1977.Print.Patricia L. Beeman Southern African Liberation Committee collection, Michigan State University Libraries Special Collections, accessed December 12. 2015.
- Development of MSU Divestiture packet.Print. Peace Education Center (East Lansing, Mich.). East Lansing Peace Education Center Archives. East Lansing, Mich: Peace Education Center, 1962.April.1972.
- Pamphlets on SALC.Print. Peace EDUCATION Center (East Lansing, Mich.). East Lansing Peace Education Center Archives. East Lansing, Mich: Peace Education Center, 1962. April 1972.
- Coverage of Hearings for divestiture Peace EDUCATION Center (East Lansing, Mich.). East Lansing Peace Education Center Archives. East Lansing, Mich: Peace Education Center, 1962. April 1972.
Development of MSU Divestiture packet.Print. Peace Education Center (East Lansing, Mich.). East Lansing Peace Education Center Archives. East Lansing, Mich: Peace Education Center, 1962.April.1972.
News paper clippings from January to December 1977-78.Print.Patricia L. Beeman Southern African Liberation Committee collection, Michigan State University Libraries Special Collections, accessed December 15. 2015.
- Resolution from Michigan House of Representatives. 1976. Print.Patricia L. Beeman Southern African Liberation Committee collection, Michigan State University Libraries Special Collections, accessed December 15. 2015.
- News paper clippings from January to December 1977-78.Print.Patricia L. Beeman Southern African Liberation Committee collection, Michigan State University Libraries Special Collections, accessed December 15. 2015.
Chapter 6: "McGoff Off"
The “McGoff Off” Campaign began as a local movement, but its ties reached to the national and international level of politics. The campaign was a part of the larger divestment plan SALC had for the university, East Lansing, and the state of Michigan. In 1981, MSU named a stage in the Wharton Center for The Performing Art on campus for Margaret Ewert McGoff in commemoration for her and her husband, John Peter McGoff, $100,000 dollar donation to the university. This donation was of great interest and controversy for SALC because the McGoff family held strong ties to the South African government as well as great influence in Washington D.C.
John McGoff had a humble youth, growing up as a steelwoker’s son in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He was a graduate of Michigan State University and began his media empire in East Lansing with pursue of a radio station in 1958. McGoff came to own or partially own eight radio stations, a television outlet, and 70 newspapers in Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Texas, and South Africa. He owned Global Communications Corp. as well as owning almost half the stock in Panax Corp. With his wealth came influence. McGoff was an ardent supporter of the Republican Party and knew Presidents Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan, and George bush.
McGoff was a man of influence and a supporter of the National Party in South Africa. Throughout the 1970s, he was very open about his support and favoritism towards the South African regime and their brutal racial policies. Both he and his wife were dubbed “official guests” of South Africa in the late 1970s; meaning that they were compensated for promoting a positive image of Apartheid abroad. Eschel Rhoodie, one of the masterminds behind South Africa’s worldwide propaganda campaign saw McGoff as a great asset to the country. He was well connected in the national government as well as the media, and was therefore the best agent they could have. In 1976 McGoff was also given money by the South African government to use his media control and connections to spread pro-South African propaganda in the United States.
Given that MSU had committed itself to divesting from companies operating in South African in 1978, it seemed to the activists of SALC that the McGoff name had no place of MSU’s campus when the McGoffs donated $100,000 to the university in 1981 and the campaign against him began in the same year.
McGoff had been given money from the South African government to purchase media outlets that he would then turn into pro-South African media in the United States. He was accused by the U.S. Justice Department of acting as a foreign agent without registering with the government as well as under investigation from the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) for using loans from the South African government to make media acquisitions. He used some of the money to buy the Sacramento Union, in place of the Washington Star, however this purchase was in his own interest instead of that of his benefactors. McGoff eventually transferred some of the millions in propaganda money entrusted to him into his personal accounts as well.
In South Africa, the exposure of the government’s scheme has been dubbed “Muldergate” and is known as one of the biggest government scandals to date. Connie Mulder, Minister of Information, along with Eschel Rhoodie, who was good friends with Mcgoff, and General Hendrik van den Bergh secretly used government millions to give to agents like John McGoff, all around the world.
SALC used all of this information as it came out in the press to build their case against Michigan State University’s affiliation with John McGoff. Given that money from the South African government was unaccounted for, the university could have logically been the recipient of some of the stolen funds in McGoff’s donation.
The “McGoff Off” campaign relied on getting the information to the public, which would force the university to act. Leaflets were distributed, circulated petitions, picketed was done outside every event at the Wharton Center, and stickers were used to advertise the campaign.
In 1984, the $100,000 donation was returned to the McGoff’s and the name was removed from the Wharton Center stage. The university also drafted and codified a naming policy to prevent further incidences such as the McGoff scandal.The new policy states that “...names of individuals whose lives and work have exemplified values for which Michigan State University stands...”
A year later, in 1985, SALC was recognized with an award from the Peace Education Center for their dedication to the “McGoff Off” campaign.
 Saxon, Wolfgang, “John McGoff, 73, Entrepreneur And Conservative Find-Raiser.” New York Times, February 4, 1998. Accessed November 17, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/1998/02/04/us/john-mcgoff-73-entrepreneur-and-conservative-fund-raiser.html
 Paterson, Chris, and Malila, Vanessa, “Beyond the Information Scandal: When South Africa bought into global news.” African Journalism Studies, 34. (August 2013).
 Associated Press. “Dismissal of Case Against Publisher Called south Africa Agent is Upheld.” Los Angeles Times, October 14, 1987. Accessed November 10, 2015. http://articles.latimes.com/1987-10-14/news/mn-9221_1_south-africa.
 Spector, J. Brooks, “Apartheid’s InfoGate, fresh and relevant after all these years.” Daily Maverick, January 29, 2013. Accessed November 10, 2015. http://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2013-01-29-apartheids-infogate-fresh-and-relevant-after-all-these-years/#.Vlnd8narTcd.
 Gulino, Denis G., “Publisher John McGoff Wednesday settled a long-standing battle with…” United Press International, September 14, 1983. Accessed November 17, 2015. http://www.upi.com/Archives/1983/09/14/Publisher-John-McGoff-Wednesday-settled-a-long-standing-battle-with/8706432360000/.
 Lewis, Anthony, “Afrikaner Watergate.” The Day, March 2, 1979. Accessed November 28, 2015. https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=PhEiAAAAIBAJ&sjid=13MFAAAAIBAJ&pg=1782%2C241382 .
 Beeman, Frank. “No Easy Victories: African Liberation And American Activists over a Half Century.” Interview by Dr. Peter Limb and Dr. David Wiley. No Easy Victories. Undated.
 Box 3, McGoff Off campaign, 1984-1986, Patricia L. Beeman Southern Africa Liberation Committee Papers, MSS 258, Special Collections, MSU Libraries, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI.
 Beeman, “No Easy Victories: African Liberation And american Activists over a Half Century.”
Chapter 7: "The Shanty Protest"
The Shanty Coalition was organized in order to divest the MSU Foundation from South Africa while under the apartheid regime. In November of 1986, a number of groups came together after many failed attempts to get the Board of Trustees to continue their divestiture against South Africa. While the MSU Trustees divested their funds from South Africa many years prior in 1978, they had not done so with the funds of the MSU Foundation. This seemed to be a major oversight as the Foundation, stated in Article II of the Articles of Incorporation, was to act “in such a manner as may be designated, directed or desired by said Board of Trustees of Michigan State University.”
Because they were bound to act in accordance with the wishes of the Board of Trustees, many in the Michigan State community felt that there needed to be divestiture from South Africa by the Foundation in solidarity with the rest of the university. In order to bring attention to the cause, the various groups involved in the Shanty Coalition determined that an appropriate protest would be to create a shanty, like those that many South Africans were living in, and to recreate that to both inform people of the squalor of black South Africans and to appeal to the Board of Trustees’ emotional selves and show them the injustice being allowed under apartheid.
The protest was active 24 hours a day for the weeks of November 17 and 27, 1986. There was always at least 2 people during the day and 4 people overnight. This protest was headed by SALC, and the hope was that, after the protest, people would attend the next board meeting on December 12, 1986. During their time at the shanty, they sought out signatures for a petition that would be presented to the Board of Trustees along with providing more information about what events were taking place in South Africa, and how students and faculty could better combat apartheid from East Lansing.
After two weeks of protest, the December 12 meeting was at hand.
The efforts of the Shanty Coalition were not in vain. They were able to get 1400 signatures in solidarity with the divestiture of the MSU Foundation in addition to spreading information about the apartheid regime in South Africa to the community at large. The board meeting was a similar success as the Board of Trustees voted to divest the funds of the Foundation from South Africa. This was greeted with praise by representatives of the various groups involved with the Shanty Coalition.
 For SALC. “Dear Mr. Ilich: SALC Cartoon Response.”The State News, December 2, 1986. Accessed December 8, 2015. http://kora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-1F00-84-SALC%20Cartoon%20Response%2012-2-86.pdf
 Shanty Coalition. “Break The Links: Shanty Coalition Statement” (Michigan State, ASMSU, 1986). Accessed December 8, 2015. http://kora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-1824-84-salc%20shanty%20statement%20opt.pdf
 SALC, “Protest Flyer” (Michigan State, SALC, 1986), accessed December 8, 2015, http://kora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-1DB4-84-msu%20foundation%20leaflet.pdf
 Patricia L. Beeman, Shanty Protest Coffin, 1986, photograph, Special Collections MSU Libraries, East Lansing, accessed December 8, 2015, http://libguides.lib.msu.edu/c.php?g=216758&p=1433296
 David Wiley, Shanty on Michigan State University Campus, 1986, photograph, private collection, East Lansing, accessed December 8, 2015, http://africanactivist.msu.edu/image.php?objectid=32-131-36B
 MSU Board of Trustees, Minutes of the Meeting (East Lansing, 1986), accessed December 8, 2015, http://spartanhistory.kora.matrix.msu.edu/files/3/15/3-F-131-56-DECEMBER%2012%201986.pdf
Chapter 8: "The Coca Cola Boycott"
Coca Cola has been a major player in America and the world at large. There are few who have not at least heard of this corporate giant. During the 1980s, however, the image of Coca Cola was being tarnished due to their involvement in South Africa. In South Africa, Coca Cola controlled 72% of the soft-drink market. This resulted in hundreds of millions of dollars in revenue being earned off of the apartheid regime. At this time, The United States was the largest trading partner with South Africa, and Coke held no small part in this situation. 3600 of the 4600 employees of Coca Cola in South Africa were black, likely since black labor was some of the cheapest in the world. In addition to this, there is some significant logic to selecting to boycott Coke instead of other companies that had not divested from South Africa, and this involves buying power.
Most people, particularly college students, did not hold any significant amount of money that would have been used to support major companies like Ford and GM who had still maintained South African business. This lack of financial assets was not as important when it came to Coke, as the average person could afford to consume soft drinks, including students. Since students were significant purchasers of soft drinks, convincing them to discontinue their purchase of soda or to choose competitors of Coke, such as Pepsi, who did not have ties to South Africa.
Many still asked, understandably, why should they boycott Coke? Surely Coca-Cola was a humane employer, and, in addition to this, they very likely bolster the communities in which they are found. This cuts to the core of divestiture. In this situation, the essential problem was the governmental regime. Throwing money at the problem was not enough to really improve the lives of non-whites under apartheid. To really enact change, it was necessary to overthrow the entirety of apartheid and redistribute power. Until the apartheid regime was abolished, the goal of full rights for black South Africans could not be.
As said by Frank Beeman, this was quite successful. Students from SALC would go dorm to dorm, would venture to various student groups, and would tell them about why they shouldn’t make Coke available, seeing as it supported apartheid. While the senior members of SALC were supportive of the students’ efforts, they did advise caution about protesting Coca Cola because of their involvement in the Civil Rights Movement and things like their grants for African Americans. Though Coke was positively influential in American civil rights, the students of SALC decided to move forward with the boycott, ensuring that it spread.
Though it did not originate at Michigan State, the Coke boycott quickly gained momentum and was significant in gaining the attention of the university at large. Progress of the boycott was being documented by the State News, and SALC, in addition to going group to group, shared various ways for students to get involved in the boycott beyond not buying Coke. They also were able to spread the boycott to other universities, having become the stronghold of the Midwestern Coke boycott.
It cannot be stressed enough how important this boycott was. It gave many a tool to directly choose to stop supporting apartheid, and was a simple way to show solidarity with those suffering under the heels of injustice. By September of 1986, those participating in the Coke boycott were able to see the fruits of their labor: Coca-Cola made plans to withdraw from South Africa. In addition to the withdrawal, attempts were made to sell its operations to black investors. Coca-Cola was significant in regards to its termination of South African operations for a few reasons. It was one of the first countries to cite political reasons in addition to economic reasons as a factor in pulling out, and was also likely one of the few companies to publicly plan to sell to black investors. Because of the boycott, Coca-Cola went above and beyond in the attempt to right what they had wronged.
 SALC. National Student Coca-Cola Boycott. East Lansing, March 22, 1986. Accessed December 9, 2015. http://kora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-1D71-84-32-130-1D71-84-SALC%20Boycott%203-22-86%20opt.pdf
 Miller, Deb. “Don’t dismiss Coke boycott as method to abolish apartheid.” The State News, March 22, 1986. Accessed December 9, 2015. http://kora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-1D71-84-32-130-1D71-84-SALC%20Boycott%203-22-86%20opt.pdf
 Harris “Frank” Beeman, interview by David Wiley and Peter Limb, East Lansing, Michigan, 2003.
 SALC. Support the Coca-Cola Boycott. East Lansing, 1986. Accessed December 9, 2015. http://kora.matrix.msu.edu/files/50/304/32-130-1D9D-84-SALC%20Support%20Boycott.pdf
 Sing, Bill. “Coca-Cola Acts to Cut All Ties With S. Africa.” Los Angeles Times, September 18, 1986. Accessed December 12, 2015. http://articles.latimes.com/1986-09-18/news/mn-11241_1_south-africa
Chapter 9: State of Michigan Divestiture
Despite Michigan State University divesting from corporations that held subsidiaries in South Africa, the members of SALC felt that their work had only just begun.
As the final hour of 1982 ticked by, Governor Milliken was already following through with his New Year’s resolutions: Michigan State Representative, Perry Bullard was quoted in a press release issued on January 4th, 1983 (a few days after the signing) that informed the public of two major steps: legislation in which prohibits educational institutions from investing in the country of South Africa, as well as the Public Act 512 of 1982, in which required all educational services to sell their holdings in corporations that operate in South Africa. This is only in addition to the Banking Bill that Perry Bullard and Virgil Smith, Jr. passed in January of 1981, in which prohibited the state to deposit in banks that loan to South Africa. This is something that SALC has been pushing for since their Selective Purchasing Campaign in 1976, and since MSU divested in 1978, SALC and their community was constantly urging other Michigan institutions to follow their lead. Getting to the point of state-wide divestiture was not a smooth ride, but at the end of it all morality would overcome materialism.
On December 4th, 1979, only two and a half years following the passage of the Selective Purchasing Act, SALC members wrote a personal letter to Chairperson, David Evans of the Michigan House of Representatives, urging the approval of House Bills 4831-4839.  These bills would serve to do a number of things. First, it intends to remove the State of Michigan and its educational institution’s direct support and participation in the perpetuation of the oppressive apartheid regime of South Africa. With this being done it leads into the bill’s second effect, which is a forceful expression through actions taken against the American corporations in support of the apartheid regime. This leads to the third quality of educating taxpayers of how they and their educational institutions are involved in the support of the republic of SA. Fourth and final, this will include the state of Michigan with the United Nations, the National Council of Churches, and the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, the UAW, the NAACP, and others who have already divested. This creates a vast outside force in which will gradually close in on the white South African regime, ultimately hastening the downfall of apartheid.
In October of 1982, Perry Bullard would pass House Bill 4553, in which Prohibited state educational institutions from investing in corporations operating in South Africa. Because of this bill the University of Michigan would have to divest roughly twenty percent of their $420 million portfolio, and thus the Sullivan Principles were introduced by African activist, Leon Sullivan. What is interesting about Leon Sullivan is that he is a long time General Motors board member, and because of GM being an automotive firm located within Michigan, the importance of continuing business with them was crucial in the eyes of the regents. There is evidence to believe that Leon Sullivan was lobbying for GM; his black image was used as a brainwashing mechanism in that people would not expect an African activist to lobby for GM in support of apartheid. These principals would eventually be considered as the Illusion amendment for its characteristic of appearing to have an affect where it does not. The principles were only relevant to the workplace environment and did not deal with every day equality, otherwise.
The University of Michigan had lost its community support, for Western Michigan as well as Michigan State University had divested before HB4553 was even passed, and these efforts would not go unnoticed. Educated protesters, for Perry Bullard is an Ann Arbor representative, refused to let their taxes be determined by the suffering of black South Africans.
On December 31st, 1982, Republican Governor William Milliken signed Public Act 512 into law, making Michigan the first state to divest from the Republic of South Africa. The support that was being provided in backing the bill came from a wide variety of different groups, from churches to legislators to students. This was an important step for the anti-apartheid for a few reasons: first, United States’ corporations place magnanimous amounts of capital hands of the government body; by divesting the state of Michigan is no longer a platform for the only country in the world in which practices institutionalized inequality. Secondly, the United States is the supplier of over thirty-three percent of overseas loans to South Africa, with 539 companies operating within, reaching an aggregate direct investment of more than 1.7 billion dollars. The regents were set to vote on the bill April 14th, 1983.
The day before the University of Michigan Regents agreed to comply with PA 512, thirty-five protesters wearing black armbands stood outside of President Shapiro’s home and greeted the regents with silent gestures and picket signs depicting the words “divest now”.
Aware of the moral battle between currency and human rights, the Regents’ vote on the bill was a landslide in support of PA 512. Two months ahead of the initial vote date, the state of Michigan officially divested from the Republic of South Africa on February 14th, 1983.
 Governor Signs Anti-Apartheid Bill. Lansing, MI: Perry Bullard, 1983. Print.Patricia L. Beeman Southern African Liberation Committee collection, Michigan State University Libraries Special Collections, accessed December 15. 2015.
 Beeman, Frank. Letter to author. 4 Dec. 1979. TS. Patricia L. Beeman Southern African Liberation Committee collection, Michigan State University Libraries Special Collection, accessed December 15. 2015.
 Beeman, Frank. Letter to author, 7 Dec. 1982. TS. Patricia L. Beeman Southern African Liberation Committee collection, Michigan State University Libraries Special Collections, accessed December 15. 2015.
 Phillip Kwik, letter to Thomas Roach, Feb 23 1983, Pro Divest, Box 7, Thomas Roach papers, Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan, accessed November 13. 2015.
 Rally urges ‘U’ out of S. Africa,” Divestment for Humanity: The Anti-Apartheid Movement at the University of Michigan, accessed December 15, 2015.
 “Protesters urge Regents to divest,” Divestment for Humanity: The Anti-Apartheid Movement at the University of Michigan, accessed December 15, 2015,